Mapping conflict motives in CAR
Feb 25th, 2009 by Nick Imboden, HDPT CAR
IPIS publishes a report examining the presence, behaviour and motivation of the armed groups operating in CAR during 2008
The International Peace Information Service (IPIS), a research institution based in Belgium, has finished their third study in the IPIS mapping series, which focuses on the conflict motives of armed groups within the Central African Republic.
IPIS describes the country as “tormented by a multitude of armed actors” who “have one thing in common: each of them would be a weak opponent for any well-organised state, but then this is exactly what the country lacks.”
The research for the report was conducted in CAR at the end of 2008.
Further information

- The report is available for download here: IPIS – Mapping Conflict Motives in CAR (PDF, 1MB)
- The report is complemented by a series of interactive web maps exploring the different actors present in CAR, together with data on natural resources, ethnic groups and incidents. The maps are available on the IPIS website at www.ipisresearch.be
- Please continue reading for IPIS’s summary of the different armed groups operating in the country
Armed Groups in CAR
This information is taken from the IPIS press release, 20 February 2009
Local armed groups
There are three Central African rebel groups with armed men on the ground that exert authority in the areas under their control. The APRD controls two contiguous areas in the Northwest and North of the country. It is an amateurish movement that seems sincere in its assertion that it
fights for the security of the region. The APRD is not strong enough to challenge the incumbent government in Bangui. So far it has proven strong enough to survive but it seems to seek a political way out of its struggle.
Another rebel group is the UFDR that operates in the Northeast of the CAR. The UFDR adheres to the agreements concluded with the CAR government and seems ready to continue its struggle politically. Whether the UFDR’s willingness is caused by war fatigue and a survival reflex,
or by the honest hope that its grievances will be answered politically, is not clear. It is clear, however, that the movement has lost a lot of support in the neglected region. Currently, it is even challenged militarily by a number of dissidents.
The third rebel group with a military presence in the CAR is the FDPC. It is by far the weakest of the three and it had been dormant until November 2008 when it launched a sudden attack on Central African government troops (FACA). The only reason why it might be stirring again would be to strengthen its bargaining position in the ongoing peace process or simply to disturb it.
Besides rebel activity, the population suffers from aggression by a wide array of other armed actors including their own security services. The FACA has a terrible human rights record and it is not capable of providing security for the population.
Foreign actors
Much of the violence is committed by foreigners. From Sudan, each year large groups of heavily armed poachers enter the CAR to plunder its wildlife resources.
From the DR Congo, the LRA has carried out a violent raid in the Southeast of the CAR for several weeks, resulting in more than 100 abductees.
From Chad and Sudan, armed bands of cattle herders cross the country borders to pasture their herds. They have clashed on several occasions with the local population and in their wake armed banditry thrives.
These armed bandits, generally referred to as coupeurs de route or zaraguinas, are probably the biggest security problem of the CAR. They disturb the little traffic that exists in the CAR, including commercial transports. During their armed attacks they often take hostages. Some of the bandits are Central African but many others are from Chad, Cameroon, Niger and Nigeria.
Peacekeepers
Two different international peacekeeping missions are deployed on CAR territory: MICOPAX and EUFOR. The numbers of both are limited and insufficient to restore security.
Conclusion
The current picture of the CAR looks grim but an increased presence of the state and a reformed national army could solve most of the security problems caused by foreigners. In order to tackle the internal grievances of people from several regions, other measures are required, most of them on the socio-economic level.














